International Law for Women

a resource for women's human rights advocates

Category: Intimate-partner violence

  • Canadian law inspires hope on the elimination of intimate partner violence

    Canadian law inspires hope on the elimination of intimate partner violence

    (25 minutes read time; post-graduate level)

    Lady Justice holding the scales of justice before a Canadian flag on a sun lit mountain
    (AI generated image)

    Eliminating intimate partner violence globally may be almost intangible goal, but within Canada there is continued hope and effort for advancement. In the face of a global backlash against women’s human rights and following a rough beginning under Prime Minister Mark Carney’s new leadership in 2025, Canada has seemingly recommitted itself to the progression of gender equality. Even so, as Canadian Parliamentarians return to their seats this fall, they have unfinished business to resume from the 45th Parliament, 1st Session. Intimate partner violence (IPV) is just one of many interrelated forms of gender-based violence and remains a persistent issue within Canada, contributing to substantive gender inequality. After several years of declining rates, IPV began increasing in 2015,[ia] as reported by Statistics Canada in 2025, coinciding with the beginning of the global backlash. And, while IPV is not confined to a particular sex, gender, class, age, ability nor ethnicity, women and girls are the primary victims; those with intersectional marginalized identities face increased risk. This article provides an overview of recent federal commitments taken to mitigate intimate partner violence by using the international framework of human rights indicators.

    Index

    • Human rights indicators
    • Ratification of international human rights treaties
      (structural indicators)
    • Domestic legislation and rulings addressing gender-based violence (2026)
      • Bill C-16: Protecting Victims Act
      • Bill C-225 Bailey’s Law
      • Common Law and judicial rulings (process indicators)
    • Canada’s work ahead in legislation
      • Bill S-236: Canadian Victims Bill of Rights
      • Bill S-242: Georgina’s Law
    • Conclusion

    Human rights indicators

    States have a legal obligation to respect, protect and fulfill human rights. Compliance and progress with these obligations are measured through human rights indicators (HRIs). The assessment framework, as endorsed by the United Nations in 2012, measures three types of human rights indicators – structural, which are the voluntary commitments that a State has made, process, which consider the efforts that each State has made, and outcome indicators, which measure the results. The infographic below illustrates examples.

    Infographic summarizing United Nations human rights recommendations for selecting structural, process, and outcome indicators regarding sexual and reproductive health and women's participation in decision-making.
    United Nations Indicator Framework – compliance and performance assessments

    Ratification of international human rights treaties (structural indicators)

    An assessment of a State’s compliance with international human rights law begins with a determination of its legal commitments – the structural indicators. The ratification[ii] of international human rights instruments, also known as treaties or conventions, in turn create legal obligations for the implementation of human rights standards into domestic law and policies.

    The ratification of the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), which is globally recognized as a core human rights treaty, has become the minimum commitment towards gender equality that is expected of all United Nations Member States. To date the CEDAW has been ratified by 189 UN Member States, including Canada in 1981, but notably not by the United States. And while the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women has become a legal source for women’s human rights, it does not explicitly address violence or abuse. But now, that massive gap is being filled through regional conventions.

    The Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence[iii], also known as the Istanbul Convention, according to the city where it was adopted, requires member parties to create laws, policies and related support services to end violence against women. This Convention functions as complementary to the CEDAW. Unfortunately, the Convention is only open to Council of Europe member States, as it is a regional organization. However, the Council has a similar counterpart in the Americas – the Organization of American States (OAS).

    Women in protest against femicide; photo by Tlhagueny, courtesy of Pexels

    While many Canadians are aware that Canada is a member party of the United Nations, a global organization, they are mostly unaware of Canada’s membership, or even the existence of the Organization of American States (OAS). Membership in this regional organization carries with it human rights obligations, which extend legal rights to all individuals within the jurisdiction of those States. Like the United Nations, the Organization of American States has a commission to oversee gender equality. “Established in 1928, the Inter-American Commission of Women (CIM) was the first inter-governmental agency established to ensure recognition of women’s human rights.”[iv]

    On June 23, 2026, Canada ratified the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence against Women.[v] This human rights instrument is essential because the CEDAW does not contain a stand-alone provision prohibiting violence or abuse. Global Affairs Canada, in their press release, referred to violence against women as “one of the most pervasive and deeply rooted human rights violations and abuses of our time”.[vi]

    Also known as the Belém do Pará Convention, after the Brazilian city where it was adopted, the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women recognizes “that violence against women is an offense against human dignity and a manifestation of the historically unequal power relations between women and men”[vii]. In doing so, the treaty takes aim at substantive inequality. Whereas in 2026 women may be equal to men according to the law in most democratic nation States, they are not substantively equal, even in Canada. Violence against women continues to infringe upon the enjoyment of many other human rights, including the right to education, the right to work, the right to political participation, the right to health and the right to life; therefore, ratification is an essential step towards women achieving substantive gender equality. For Canada, on July 23, 2026, the Belém do Pará Convention entered into force, as per Article 21.

    A close-up of two women showing concern, one comforting the other, with a third woman in the background looking on, all expressing a somber mood.
    Women supporting each other in the face of intimate partner and gender-based violence

    Domestic legislation and rulings addressing gender-based violence

    Structural indicators are used to measure human rights commitments internationally, regionally and domestically. The enactment of domestic legislation is necessary to give legal effect to international and regional commitments. Human rights must exist in law. The following legislative acts have been adopted according to the implementation of the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence against Women. Although the Convention does not name ‘coercive control’ or ‘femicide’ explicitly, the concepts of both are implied in Article 1 and other provisions.

    Article 1

    For the purposes of this Convention, violence against women shall be understood as any act or conduct, based on gender, which causes death or physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women, whether in the public or the private sphere.[viii]

    Once the legislative act is passed or reaches ‘royal assent’, as is the formal term in the Canadian Parliament, and has entered into force, it can then be upheld as law in Court.

    Bill C-16: Protecting Victims Act

    An Act to amend certain Acts in relation to criminal and correctional matters (child protection, gender-based violence, delays and other measures);

    Introduced in the House of Commons and sponsored by the Minister of Justice,
    the Honourable Sean Fraser
    First reading: December 9, 2025
    Assented to: June 18, 2026

    On June 18th of 2026 all sides of the House of Commons came together and passed Bill C-16 (2025), the Protecting Victims Act. The Act amended the Criminal Code of Canada to address child protection, gender-based violence, delays in the court system and other important measures. The Act recognizes the complexity of gender-based violence by adding two crucial crimes that fill in the shadows. Bill C-16 defined and added coercive control as an autonomous criminal offence to the Criminal Code thereby acknowledging that gender-based violence is more than incident-based; it is an abuse and a form of psychological violence that occurs over an extended period of time, often using threats and intimidation, exhibiting a pattern of conduct meant to entrap and control a partner, spouse or vulnerable person.

    While most amendments of Bill C-16 came into force on July 18th, 2026, those on coercive control will take up to two years to implement, allowing time to train peace officers, judges and others. In the meantime, countless women continue to survive without liberty or safety. Some won’t make it to the two-year mark, as coercive control is a strong predictor of femicide and suicide.

    Canada also conceptualized femicide in the Canadian Criminal Code. This addition classifies the murder of a woman as first-degree murder, under certain circumstances, including following a pattern of coercive control. Canada, however, does not join the almost 30 other nation States, mostly from Latin America and the European Union, that recognize femicide as a stand-alone crime.[ix] [x] [xi]

    This question remains – how will the delay in the implementation of recognizing coercive control as a crime in and of itself, affect the determination of femicide?

    Bill C-225: Bailey’s Law

    An Act to amend the criminal code

    Introduced in the House of Commons by the Honourable Frank Caputo
    First reading: April 28, 2026
    Royal Assent: June 17, 2026

    Bailey’s Law amends the Criminal Code of Canada to strengthen protections against intimate partner violence. First, it creates “a new specific offence of murder in the first degree if the murder is committed against an intimate partner in the context of a pattern of coercive or controlling conduct”[xii]. If manslaughter is committed under that same context, “the court must consider whether to impose a sentence of imprisonment for life on the offender and, if that sentence is imposed, an adult offender is ineligible for parole for 10 to 25 years”[xiii]. It also creates “new offences in respect of included offences in which violence is used, threatened or attempted against an intimate partner”[xiv]. Additionally, Bill C-225 will “increase the detention period of things seized under section 490 of the Act from three months to 180 days”[xv], which could keep lethal weapons away from offenders.

    Bill C-225 may appear at first glance to be redundant to Bill C-16, however, it has an important distinction that lies in its raison d’être. The justice system failed Bailey McCourt, a 32-year-old mother of two, who was killed by her abusive, estranged ex-husband shortly after he was released on bail.[xvi] Earlier on the day that James Plover blugeoned Bailey McCourt to death with a hammer in a Kamloops, BC parking lot, he had been sentenced to three counts of uttering threats and one count of assault by strangling.[xvii] Plover never should have been released from police custody! But now, Bailey’s Law will reform bail policy for high-risk offenders and require recognition of lethality risk indicators during bail hearings.

    A woman with long blonde hair wearing an orange sports jersey smiles for the camera while posing on a couch with two children, who have their faces blurred for privacy.
    Bailey McCourt and daughters

    Common law and judicial rulings (process indicators)

    Process indicators are a subset of human rights indicators that measure the scope of the State’s effort to make women’s human rights effective. These are both quantitative, such as budgetary commitments, and qualitative, including judgments and rulings. The judicial finding would fall under process indicators in the framework of human rights indicators (HRIs).

    A landmark judgment by the Supreme Court of Canada recognized coercive control as a new tort (unfair harm) in the case of Ahluwalia v. Ahluwalia on May 15, 2026. “Best understood, it is not confined to conduct that inflicts physical or psychological injury but includes all abusive conduct by which one intimate partner coerces and controls the other, thus depriving them of their autonomy. This includes egregious acts of physical and psychological violence, as well as tactics of isolation, manipulation, humiliation, surveillance, economic abuse, sexual coercion, and intimidation that can control and entrap intimate partners.”[xviii]

    One may wonder how a court can make this ruling before the new legislation of Bill C-16 had taken effect. The answer is ‘common law’, which in this context refers to the legal findings of other nations, and it is widely used in human rights law. According to the Supreme Court of Canada Chief Justice Wagner and Justices Kasirer, Martin, O’Bonsawin and Moreau “Common law jurisprudence in Canada reveals a largely settled method for how and when novel causes of action in tort should be recognized. Incremental change in the common law is warranted where necessary to clarify a legal principle, resolve an inconsistency, or ensure the law remains in step with the evolution of society.”[xix] Legal precedents are often used where there is no appropriate written legal code, in the applicable Constitution, for the case at hand.

    Canada’s new tort of coercive control represents crucial progress in the advancement towards substantive gender equality domestically, while setting legal precedent for foreign nations to follow.

    A group of eight professional women standing together in an elegant indoor setting, smiling and engaging with each other.
    Women parliamentarians (AI generated image)

    Canada’s work ahead in legislation

    There are several legislative acts that were introduced in 2025 and 2026, before Parliament passed for the summer break, that remain to be passed. These acts would complement existing ones to advance women’s human rights in Canada by mitigating gender-based and intimate partner violence.

    In March of 2026 the United Nations Human Rights Committee published its seventh periodic report on Canada. The Committee’s Concluding Observations included principal matters of concern and recommendations on human rights; they addressed gender equality, violence against women and domestic violence. The Committee noted that these issues are particularly prevalent in remote areas and disproportionately affect

    “women and girls from Indigenous Peoples or from racial or ethnic minorities and 2SLGBTQI+ persons”[xx]. The Committee specified that it is concerned by “limited availability of shelters and legal aid services, as well as by the obstacles victims face in reporting violence and accessing justice, such as the lack of trauma-informed policing practices, lengthy and adversarial legal processes and inadequate coordination among police, courts and social services. The Committee received reports raising concerns about the lack of transparency, oversight and clarity of implementation processes related to the National Action Plan to End Gender-Based Violence (arts. 2, 3, 6, 7 and 26).”[xxi]

    Bills S-236 and S-242 would give legal effect, in part, to the Committee’s recommendations.

    Bill S-236: Canadian Victims Bill of Rights

    An Act to amend the Canadian Victims Bill of Rights and to establish a framework for implementing the rights of victims of crime

    Sponsored by the Honourable Senator Leo Housakos
    First reading: October 1, 2025

    Amendments to the Canadian Victims Bill of Rights will provide greater transparency to victims of crime about the investigation and proceedings of their cases, and information about the accused or offenders. This bill may have saved Bailey McCourts life, had she been informed that her abusive ex-husband had been released from police custody earlier that day. While it maybe too late for her, it may save the lives of other victims of intimate partner violence.

    The Act also adds important support to the victims of crime by adding “13.1 Every victim has the right to have access to legal, social, medical and psychological services that are suited to their needs and circumstances”. This would aid in addressing the many human rights violations that are consequences of intimate partner violence.

    Article 7 of the Belém do Pará Convention requires States Parties to (g.) “establish the necessary legal and administrative mechanisms to ensure that women subjected to violence have effective access to restitution, reparations or other just and effective remedies”.[xxii] Section 16 of the Victims Bill of Rights would be amended with:

    Reparations

    16 Every victim has the right to obtain reparations for the harm done to them as the result of the commission of an offence, including the right to

    (a) have access to restorative justice programs; and

    (b) have the court consider making a restitution order against the offender.

    Ubi jus, ibi remedium –

    ‘where there is a right, there is a remedy’,

    Latin maxim

    The right to an effective remedy is a core component of international human rights law. This follows from the duty that States have to give legal effect in the domestic legal order to the rights of certain conventions, such as the International Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. (See General Comment No. 9; CESR Committee) Ensuring the right to an effective remedy is in the best interest of the State and of the individual. Before an individual or group of individuals may submit a formal complaint to a human rights body at the international level, they must first exhaust all remedies at the domestic level. This provides the State with the opportunity to rectify a situation and avoid accusations or findings of human rights violations at the international level.

    It is not imperative, however, that the domestic remedies be judicial; the Canadian Victims Bill of Rights provides for a non-judicial mechanism in Section 25 of the Act.

    Complaint to authority

    (2) Every victim who has exhausted their recourse under the complaints mechanism and who is not satisfied with the response of the federal department, agency or body may file a complaint with the authority designated by the Governor in Council to review complaints in relation to that department, agency or body.[xxiii]

    Non-judicial mechansims aid in reducing court backlogs and in administering justice more efficiently to victims.

    Victims rights advocates protest outside of Parliament (AI generated image)

    Having access to an effective remedy unfortunately does not prevent nor protect from human rights violations. Protections must be found in the law itself through the adoption of legislative measures and their effective implementation, adherence and policy evaluations. These measures often rely on budgetary commitments and other limited State resources, which are measurements of process indicators. And while State resources may be limited, a recent report by YWCA BC – The Cost of Inaction: Measuring the Economic Impact of Gender-Based Violence in BC – estimates that gender-based violence costs BC $1.12 billion annually. [xxiv] Alternatively, prevention is much less costly.

    YWCA BC – The Cost of Inaction: Measuring the Economic Impact of Gender-Based Violence in BC
    (click arrow to drop Figure 1: infographic of annual costs)
    Infographic depicting the annual economic costs of gender-based violence in 2025 dollars, including detailed costs related to femicide, physical and sexual assault, harassment, and government expenses.

    Unfortunately, Bill S-246 has not proceeded since its first reading in the Senate on October 1st, 2025. It must proceed to bring legal effect to Canada’s international legal obligations.

    Bill S-242: Georgina’s Law

    An act respecting national action for the prevention of intimate partner violence

    Sponsored by the Honourable Senator Fabian Manning
    Third reading in the Senate: February 24, 2026
    First reading in the House of Commons: May 27, 2026

    As per Article 3 of the Belém do Pará Convention “Every woman has the right to be free from violence in both the public and private spheres.”[xxv] Furthermore, under Article 8 (h.) the Convention requires States “to ensure research and the gathering of statistics and other relevant information relating to the causes, consequences and frequency of violence against women, in order to assess the effectiveness of measures to prevent, punish and eradicate violence against women and to formulate and implement the necessary changes”.[xxvi] Bill S-242 would implement those obligations into the domestic legal order.

    Bill S-242 recognizes that the efforts in protection from intimate partner violence must be continued. In 2014 Georgina McGrath nearly lost her life to intimate partner violence due to the severity of her injuries. To protect others from such violence she has been fighting to change the laws since 2017, along with Senator Fabian Manning. Bill S-242 provides for the continuation of national action for the prevention of intimate partner violence and femicide, led by the Minister for Women and Gender Equality (WAGE). The Act, known as Georgina’s Law, is centered on annual engagement between the WAGE Minister and federal and provincial ministers responsible for the status of women, as well as regular engagement with Indigenous partners, victims, survivors, and stakeholders with respect to “the adequacy of current programs and strategies aimed at preventing intimate partner violence and at protecting and assisting victims of intimate partner violence”[xxvii], as well as other considerations.

    This Act would require that the WAGE Minister publish a report every two years on the progress and action taken to prevent and address IPV. This report would provide a necessary assessment of the collective efforts to eliminate IPV and in turn create accountability.

    In the Senate debate on December 11, 2025, Senator Manning noted that since he introduced the first inception of this bill in 2018, “close to 1,500 victims, almost all of them women, have died by the hands of their intimate partner.”[xxviii] Bill S-242 passed in the Senate where it was introduced, on February 24, 2026; it is now under consideration in the House of Commons with the hope that it will soon reach Royal Assent.

    “Close to 1,500 victims, almost all of them women, have died by the hands of their intimate partner.”

    Senator Fabian Manning; February 24, 2025

    Conclusion

    Ultimately, the true measure of a State’s progress with respect to human rights is not revealed by its intent on paper (structural indicators), nor of its efforts, such as the creation of programs, initiatives or the allocation of funds (process indicators), but rather in the results (outcome indicators). These can be qualitative or quantitative, as in the example of statistics. They should measure the real-life impacts on citizens.

    It is a tragic reality that despite the progress that nation States like Canada are making in combating intimate partner violence, there is still much work to be done. The legislative acts mentioned here are not exhaustive; there are other forms of discrimination, exploitation, and violence against women by intimate partners that overlap with other human rights abuses. They include sexual exploitation, trafficking and technology-facilitated violence, which can merge together, or with other forms of abuse. To that effect, the CEDAW Committee acknowledged the prevalence of “new and emerging forms” of gender-based violence, which require constant vigilance in all areas – public, private and online. Addressing gaps in our laws that allow intimate partner violence to continue requires the adoption of new laws to create criminal offences and legal consequences that will serve as deterrents for would-be offenders, thereby potentially saving lives.

    Women’s human rights defenders stand proud and strong in solidarity outside a government office. (AI generated image)

    Advancing women’s rights is not the sole task of one entity – it requires coordination and commitment from international human rights organizations and domestically, by the executive, legislative, judiciary and of course, the hundreds of non-profit women’s advocacy groups and the determined individuals who fight for progress and provide support services on the front lines of violence against women.

    Sadly, backlash has been escalating for the past decade and more political will is required to protect against gender-based violence, particularly as technology facilitates the perpetuation of regressive attitudes and new forms of harm. But progress in one nation State can inspire hope and inform progress in other States.

    (September, 2026)


    After reviewing the text of a bill, there are two options to participate in the process of supporting it.

    Bill S-236: Canadian Victims Bill of Rights
    Bill S-242: Georgina’s Law

    Write a letter to your Member of Parliament (recommended for everyone):

    • Expressing your opinions, personal experiences, recommendations, or legal arguments for or against a bill
    • Find your MP here: https://www.ourcommons.ca/members/en/search
    • Your contact information must be included, as this determines your riding and legitimizes your communication

    Write a letter to a Senator that represents your province:

    • Expressing your opinions, personal experiences, recommendations, or legal arguments for or against a bill
    • Find your provincial Senators here: https://sencanada.ca/en/senators/  
    • Your contact information must be included, as this determines your riding and legitimizes your communication

    Submit a brief to a Senate Committee

    (recommended for organizations and knowledgeable individuals):

    “Senate committees regularly invite individuals, experts, groups and organizations, lobbyists, public servants and ministers of the Crown to appear before them as witnesses to receive information relevant to a bill they are considering or a special study they are undertaking. There are two ways to participate in a committee’s study: by giving oral evidence (testimony) or by submitting a brief (written evidence).”


    Footnotes:

    [ia] (Lower table) Victims of police-reported family violence and intimate partner violence, by type of violence, gender and year, Canada, 2009 to 2024, rate per 100,000 population; Statistics Canada; Date modified: 2025-10-28. https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/251028/cg-a001-eng.htm 

    [ib] Indicator Framework – compliance and performance assessments; figure XII, page 110[i] https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Publications/Human_rights_indicators_en.pdf 

    [ii] “Ratification defines the international act whereby a state indicates its consent to be bound to a treaty if the parties intended to show their consent by such an act. In the case of bilateral treaties, ratification is usually accomplished by exchanging the requisite instruments, while in the case of multilateral treaties the usual procedure is for the depositary to collect the ratifications of all states, keeping all parties informed of the situation. The institution of ratification grants states the necessary timeframe to seek the required approval for the treaty on the domestic level and to enact the necessary legislation to give domestic effect to that treaty.

    [Arts.2 (1) (b), 14 (1) and 16, Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties 1969]”

    https://treaties.un.org/Pages/Overview.aspx?path=overview/glossary/page1_en.xml#ratification

    [iii] https://rm.coe.int/168008482e 

    [iv] https://belemdopara.org/cim_mesecvi/cim/  Visited Sept. 20, 2026.

    [v] https://belemdopara.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/11/texto-de-la-convencion-INGLES.pdf

    [vi] Para. 3, News release; June 23, 2026; Panama City; Global Affairs Canada.
    https://www.canada.ca/en/global-affairs/news/2026/06/canada-ratifies-inter-american-convention-on-the-prevention-punishment-and-eradication-of-violence-against-women.html 

    [vii] Preamble, para. 3; Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence

    against Women. https://www.oas.org/en/mesecvi/docs/belemdopara-english.pdf

    [viii] Article 1, Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence against Women (Convention of Belém do Pará); Organization of American States; 1994. https://belemdopara.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/11/texto-de-la-convencion-INGLES.pdf

    [ix] Recognition of femicide in the EU; Ionel Zamfir, Members’ Research Service; Published: May 2026 | Document number: PE 789.304 https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/BRIE/2026/789304/EPRS_BRI(2026)789304_EN.pdf 

    [x] Femicide laws worldwide: 50 years of evolution and ongoing gaps; Marina Elefante and Siyi Wang; June 16, 2025  https://blogs.worldbank.org/en/opendata/femicide-laws-worldwide–50-years-of-evolution-and-ongoing-gaps 

    [xi] Which countries recognize the crime of femicide?; El Economista TV; YouTube;   https://youtube.com/shorts/1UJ-7Duiyec?si=4Xlu6cVmYF2k8fsJ 

    [xii] Summary (a); Bill C-225: An Act to amend the Criminal Code; First Session, Forty-fifth Parliament. https://www.parl.ca/documentviewer/en/45-1/bill/C-225/royal-assent

    3-4 Charles III, 2025-2026

    [xiii] Ibid, (b).

    [xiv] Ibid, (c).

    [xv] Ibid, (d).

    [xvi] Global News; July 9, 2025; ‘I told her she was loved’: Witness recounts horrific attack that killed Kelowna mother, by Klaudia Van Emmerick. (Updated November 27, 2025) https://globalnews.ca/news/11282296/witness-recounts-attack-that-killed-kelowna-mother/ 

    [xvii] CBC News; July 23, 2025; Family of mother killed in Kelowna, B.C., calls for changes to justice system in letter to PM by Michelle Morton. https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/british-columbia/mccourt-family-s-letter-to-pm-1.7592543 

    [xviii]  Per Wagner C.J. and Kasirer, Martin, O’Bonsawin and Moreau JJ; (para. 4) Ahluwalia v. Ahluwalia, 2026 SCC 16 https://decisions.scc-csc.ca/scc-csc/scc-csc/en/item/21505/index.do 

    [xix] Per Wagner C.J. and Kasirer, Martin, O’Bonsawin and Moreau JJ; (para. 4) Ahluwalia v. Ahluwalia, May 15, 2026; SCC 16 https://decisions.scc-csc.ca/scc-csc/scc-csc/en/item/21505/index.do

    [xx] CCPR/C/CAN/CO/7, pages 6-7. Concluding observations on the seventh periodic report of Canada; United Nations Human Rights Committee; 2 April 2026.

    [xxi] Ibid.

    [xxii] Article 7 (g); Intern-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence against Women. (1994) https://belemdopara.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/11/texto-de-la-convencion-INGLES.pdf

    [xxiii] Lines 27-31, page 2, Protecting Victims Act (2025).

    [xxiv] Figure 1: Infographic of annual economic costs of gender-based violence, 2025 dollars(page 9); The Cost of Inaction: Measuring the Economic Impact of Gender-Based Violence in BC; YWCA BC; page 9. https://ywcabc.org/sites/default/files/assets/media/file/2026-04%20/YWCABC_The_Cost_of_Inaction-Measuring_the_Economic_Impact_of_GBV_in_BC_Report.pdf 

    [xxv] Article 3; Intern-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence against Women. (1994) https://belemdopara.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/11/texto-de-la-convencion-INGLES.pdf

    [xxvi] Article 8, Ibid.

    [xxvii] Engagements, 2 (a); Bill S-242; first reading; First Session, Forty-fifth Parliament; Senate of Canada; https://www.parl.ca/DocumentViewer/en/45-1/bill/S-242/first-reading

    [xxviii] (1420) Honourable Senator Manning; December 11, 2025; Debates of the Senate (Hansard) 1st Session, 45th Parliament; Volume 154, Issue 45 ; https://sencanada.ca/en/content/sen/chamber/451/debates/045db_2025-12-11-e#37 


  • Canada’s Fight Against Gender-Based Violence: Proposed Legislation Bill C-16

    Canada’s Fight Against Gender-Based Violence: Proposed Legislation Bill C-16

    A young woman in a dark ambiguous setting, illuminated by a blue light, expresses fear and distress. (AI-generated)
    A young woman in a dark ambiguous setting, illuminated by a blue light, expresses fear and distress. (AI-generated)

    Despite Canada’s strict equality-based anti-discrimination laws, in effect women and girls still face significant structural barriers, particularly in achieving protection from gender-based violence and in achieving justice when safeguards fail. Recently however, the Minister of Justice has tabled significant legislation that will amend the Criminal Code of Canada to better protect victims. Additionally, a Bill has been tabled in the Senate that will protect victims of intimate partner violence by extending support for national action. This article examines the international legal framework that support the major proposed amendments and examines their necessity within the Canadian context.

    Protection from violence is a human right. That right extends to both public and private spheres.  Yet the United Nations reports that “violence against women and girls remains one of the most prevalent and pervasive human rights violations in the world.”[i] Femicide is its most extreme manifestations. The Canadian Femicide Observatory reports that 189 Canadian women and girls were killed by violence in 2023[ii], 187 in 2024, and another 137 in 2025[iii].

    Recent legislation introduced in Canada, pertinent to violence against women, includes bills S-242 and C-16.

    S-242: Georgina’s Law

    An Act respecting national action for the prevention of intimate partner violence

    Sponsored by the Honourable Senator Fabian Manning

    First reading: December 2, 2025;

    Second reading December 11, 2025

    https://www.parl.ca/DocumentViewer/en/45-1/bill/S-242/first-reading

    In 2014 Georgina McGrath nearly lost her life to intimate partner violence due to the severity of her injuries; she has been fighting alongside Senator Fabian Manning since 2017 to change the laws to protect others from such violence. Bill S-242 provides for the continuation of support for national action for the prevention of intimate partner violence and femicide, to be led by the Minister for Women and Gender Equality. But that alone is not enough.

    C-16: Protecting Victims Act

    An Act to amend certain Acts in relation to criminal and correctional matters (child protection, gender-based violence, delays and other measures);

    Introduced in the House of Commons and sponsored by the Minister of Justice, the Honourable Sean Fraser

    First reading: December 9, 2025

    Debate: January 26, 2026 –

    https://www.parl.ca/legisinfo/en/bill/45-1/c-16

    Bill C-16 is an expansive piece of legislation spanning 166 pages of amendments to existing Acts. It would amend the Criminal Code, the Youth Justice Act, the Canadian Victims Bill of Rights, the National Defense Act, An Act respecting the mandatory reporting of Internet child sexual abuse and exploitation material by persons who provide an Internet service, the Firearms Act, the Corrections and Conditional Release Act, and the Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters Act.

    Bill C-16 rightfully uses the gender-neutral term “victims” and covers harms that affect Canadians of all genders and ages. However, the content of the bill is reflective of issues that predominantly and adversely affect women, girls, and gender-diverse persons, thus constituting gender-based violence. (see Infographic 1)

    Infographic 1: Statistics Canada; Government of Canada; Accessed January 31, 2026. 
https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/251028/cg-a001-png-eng.htm
    Infographic 1: Statistics Canada; Government of Canada; Accessed January 31, 2026.
    https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/251028/cg-a001-png-eng.htm

    The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), article 26[iv], provides for equal protection of the law, subject to the principle of non-discrimination.

    Article 26 (ICCPR)

    All persons are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to the equal protection of the law. In this respect, the law shall prohibit any discrimination and guarantee to all persons equal and effective protection against discrimination on any ground such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status.

    The general principle[v] of non-discrimination is also found in other core legal human rights instruments, including the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) [vi].

    Article 2

    States Parties condemn discrimination against women in all its forms, agree to pursue by all appropriate means and without delay a policy of eliminating discrimination against women and, to this end, undertake… (e) To take all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination against women by any person, organization or enterprise.

    In 1992 The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) adopted General Recommendation No. 19, which stated that “Gender-based violence is a form of discrimination that seriously inhibits women’s ability to enjoy rights and freedoms on a basis of equality with men.”[vii] It further clarified that gender-based violence “includes acts that inflict physical, mental or sexual harm or suffering, threats of such acts, coercion and other deprivations of liberty.”[viii]

    The Committee defined gender-based violence as “violence that is directed against a woman because she is a woman or that affects women disproportionately.”[ix] Additionally, “the underlying consequences of these forms of gender-based violence help to maintain women in subordinate roles and contribute to their low level of political participation and to their lower level of education, skills and work opportunities.”[x] This in turn undermines women and girls’ rights to education (Article 13) and to work (Article 6), which are protected under the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. Furthermore, the poverty that women are kept in contributes to the increase of sex trafficking and other forms of exploitation, putting women and girls at further risk of violence and abuse.

    The two most significant amendments to the Criminal Code that Bill C-16 provides for are to “create a new offence that prohibits engaging in a pattern of coercive or controlling conduct towards an intimate partner”. Bill C-16 also recognizes the murder of a female person as femicide, and as first degree murder, under certain circumstances, including:

    (i) the context of a pattern of coercive or controlling conduct,

    (ii) the murder is committed in the context of sexual violence,

    (iii) the murder is committed in the context of human trafficking,

          or

    (iv) the murder is motivated by hate

    Crucially, by recognizing coercive control as a criminal offence, femicide may be averted before it is committed. This is not just a matter of crime prevention – it is a matter of life and death.

    There is a growing movement among democratic nation States to criminalize coercive control, which moves beyond an incident-based model of intimate partner violence and instead recognizes a pattern of coercive and controlling behaviour that extends over a period. This also looks beyond acts of physical violence and considers non-physical violence.

    “Coercive control may involve behaving in ways that create or intensify power imbalances in the relationship, making an intimate partner dependent on and subordinate to the perpetrator. Coercively controlling actions could include creating economic dependency, reputational dependency, and dependency in social relations.”[xi]

    Research by Postdoctoral Fellow at the University of Saskatchewan, Dr. Crystal Giesbrecht, reveals that “intimate partner femicide often emerges from abusive relationships marked by coercive control and intimate partner violence.”[xii] “In some cases, perpetrators completely dominate all aspects of the victim’s life. Coercive control often results in a constant state of fear, reinforced by threats as well as past experiences of violence. Dutton and Goodman (2005) explain ways that perpetrators control victims, including ‘creating the expectation of negative consequences, creating or exploiting the victim’s vulnerabilities, wearing down the victim’s resistance, and facilitating—and then exploiting—emotional dependency’ (pp. 748–749). The very nature of this form of abuse creates significant barriers to ending the relationship.”[xiii]

    Furthermore, “technological advancements have allowed perpetrators to increase their level of control even when they are not physically together, as well as continue their surveillance and harassment post-separation.”[xiv]  Bill C-16 adds the usage of ‘deepfakes’ and the threat of their usage, to the offence of non-consensual distribution of intimate images.

    A man with headphones on watches his ex-girlfriend on multiple screens through the use of spy software. (AI-generated)
    A man with headphones on watches his ex-girlfriend on multiple screens through the use of spy software. (AI-generated)

    Research into coercive control reveals that “these behaviours also heighten the risk of lethality. In Australia, a study published in 2020 by the Domestic Violence Death Review Team in the state of New South Wales found all but one of the 112 cases of intimate-partner homicides analyzed were preceded by instances of coercive and controlling behaviour. In Canada, researchers who looked at femicides from 2015 to 2019 found behaviours such as stalking, intimidation, isolation and threats were frequent.[xv]

    “Several studies show that coercive control in a relationship increases the risk of serious or fatal violence, especially when the victim is trying to leave or has just separated from her partner. For almost 1 in 3 victims, murder or attempted murder was the first act of physical violence.”[xvi]

    Another adverse impact of gender-based violence is the psychological harm it perpetuates. According to a 2022 article by the Globe and Mail “Though coercive control is one of the least understood forms of violence, the psychological consequences of this kind of controlling behaviour can be long-lasting.”[xvii]

    A tragic and often over-looked adverse impact of abuse is the suicide rate of its victims. The Canadian non-profit organization Battered Women’s Support Services reports that “victims of domestic violence are up to three times more likely to attempt suicide”[xviii].

    Psychological harm manifests into physical harm. Therefore, the prevention of gender-based violence is simultaneously suicide prevention. Again, Bill C-16 is literally a matter of life and death.

    Evan Stark, preeminent researcher and author of Coercive control: How men entrap women in personal life (Oxford Press; 2007) suggests that coercive control is a liberty crime.

    I think we need a law that punishes offenders at the same level that we would punish people that take hostages, or kidnap people, because what we’re really dealing with, although the analogy’s by no means perfect, is a kind of domestic terrorism. A kind of domestic hostage taking in which the victim has no outside to escape to, because the supposed safe place, the relationship, the home, the family network, has been identified as the point of imprisonment and entrapment.”

    (“Power and Control – Domestic Violence in America”; 2010; Peter Cohn – Director, Producer)

    Article 9 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) proscribes that

    1. Everyone has the right to liberty and security of person. No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest or detention. No one shall be deprived of his liberty except on such grounds and in accordance with such procedure as are established by law.[xix]

    Although Article 9 of the ICCPR is commonly used in reference to restrictions on liberty by State authorities, the Covenant is to be considered in its entirety. The preamble proscribes an obligation to individuals.

    “Realizing that the individual, having duties to other individuals and to the community to which he belongs, is under a responsibility to strive for the promotion and observance of the rights recognized in the present Covenant”.[xx]

    The State has obligations to uphold the commitments of the Covenant, as stated in Article 2, paragraph 2.

    2. Where not already provided for by existing legislative or other measures, each State Party to the present Covenant undertakes to take the necessary steps, in accordance with its constitutional processes and with the provisions of the present Covenant, to adopt such laws or other measures as may be necessary to give effect to the rights recognized in the present Covenant.

    Bill C-16 would support this obligation in the context of coercive control.

    Ironically, one criticism of Bill C-16 argues that the right to liberty of perpetrators will be violated by the mandatory minimum sentencing for those convicted of crimes under the Protecting Victims Act. Deprivations of liberty by the State must be proscribed by law, proportional to the crimes, and necessary to protect the rights of others. That includes the protection of the rights of victims.

    The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in 1948, declared that “Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person.”[xxi]

    The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) a legally binding instrument, reiterates that right in Article 6, paragraph 1 – “Every human being has the inherent right to life. This right shall be protected by law. No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his life.”

    The right to life entails obligations on the State that are both negative – not to arbitrarily deprive individuals of life – and positive – the duty to protect individuals from other individuals, also known as the duty to ‘protect’. Criminal law and justice arise out of this positive obligation.

    The United Nations Human Rights Council published General Comment No. 36 (2019), which clarifies the obligations of the State and the duty to protect life.

    18. The second sentence of article 6 (1) provides that the right to life “shall be protected by law”. This implies that States parties must establish a legal framework to ensure the full enjoyment of the right to life by all individuals as may be necessary to give effect to the right to life. The duty to protect the right to life by law also includes an obligation for States parties to adopt any appropriate laws or other measures in order to protect life from all reasonably foreseeable threats, including from threats emanating from private persons and entities. (…)[xxii]

    Those positive obligations are further articulated in paragraph 23:

    “The duty to protect the right to life requires States parties to take special measures of protection towards persons in vulnerable situations whose lives that been placed at particular risk because of specific threats or pre-existing patterns of violence. Such persons include human rights defenders (…) and victims of domestic violence and gender-based violence and human trafficking.”[xxiii]

    When unlawful deprivations of life occur, the right to life also entails an obligation to conduct an impartial investigation and to prosecute the perpetrators.

    “Any deprivation of life based on discrimination in law or in fact is, ipso facto, arbitrary in nature. Femicide, which constitutes an extreme form of gender-based violence that is directed against girls and women, is a particularly grave form of assault on the right to life.”[xxiv]

    A woman expresses extreme psychological distress as she screams while holding her hands to her temples. 
(AI-generated)
    A woman expresses extreme psychological distress as she screams while holding her hands to her temples.
    (AI-generated)

    Violence against women is also a violation of the right to health. Health must be thought of as extending to both physical and psychological states. Recalling the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) which proscribes the right to health[xxv].

    Article 12 (ICESCR)

    1. The States Parties to the present Covenant recognize the right of everyone to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health.

    A woman who is perpetually unsafe or in a state of fear is at risk of compromised health, beyond physical injury resulting directly from violence. There has been extensive research finding links between chronic stress and increased morbidity and mortality. Stress is a reaction to a perceived threat; “chronic stress has a significant effect on the immune system that ultimately manifest an illness”[xxvi]. Ongoing threats impact the immune system and increase inflammation in the body, leading to illness and even autoimmune disorder.

    Furthermore, the effects of violence against women continue to create barriers preventing women from achieving substantial equality by affecting their fundamental social and economic rights, beyond the right to health. It also extends to the right to education and the right to work.

    If a woman is not safe, she cannot thrive.

    A woman tries to push someone's hands away from her throat. A much larger ambiguous figure looms in front of her, with arms extended towards her throat. (AI-generated)
    A woman tries to push someone’s hands away from her throat. A much larger ambiguous figure looms in front of her, with arms extended towards her throat. (AI-generated)

    Protection from violence is a human right that extends to both public and private spheres.  

    The Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women, adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in 1993, confirms this in a framework of global norms and standards for national and international action. Article 1 defines violence against women as ‘any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life’[xxvii].

    Additionally, the United Nation Sustainable Development Goals, adopted by the UN General Assembly in 2015, aims to achieve gender equality through various targets to be achieved by 2030. SDG Target 5.2 seeks to “eliminate all forms of violence against all women and girls in the public and private spheres, including trafficking and sexual and other types of exploitation”.[xxviii]

    The United Nations Office on Drug and Crime also provides a suitable response to the issue of the private sphere.

    “To effectively prevent femicides, targeted policies are needed that address the specific forms of gender-based violence perpetrated in the private sphere, as there are key differences in how intimate partner and other family member femicides occur.

    Although countries have made efforts to prevent femicides, such killings persist at worryingly high levels. In many cases, femicides are the tragic end to a pattern of ongoing violence, meaning that with the timely and appropriate intervention, they could be prevented.”

    Research shows that female intimate partner homicides are often linked to certain risk factors related to the person committing the crime or the situation surrounding the intentional killing. Common risk factors for intimate partner violence that could lead to femicide include: access to firearms, coercive control, previous history of violence and non-fatal strangulation, stalking, relationship separation and substance use, such as alcohol consumption by the perpetrator, combined with other underlying factors such as lack of social support and accumulation of stressful events.”[xxix]

    Critics of Bill C-16 rely on the right to privacy as one argument against government interference in private and intimate relationships. But the right to life is the ‘supreme right’, according to the UN Human Rights Committee, and therefore arguably more valuable than the right to privacy.

    International human rights law is moving towards a victim centered approach to criminal justice, which, as a global leader in human rights, Canada should implement.

    A young woman confidently looks into the camera; she is standing in a city street with a blurred Canada flag in the background. 
(AI-generated)
    A young woman confidently looks into the camera; she is standing in a city street with a blurred Canada flag in the background.
    (AI-generated)

    Whether or not the injustices that these bills seek to address affect you personally, they almost certainly affect some woman or girl that you know. Intimate partner violence is often kept secret due to the danger it poses and the attached stigma; its impact often only comes to light once it is too late.

    According to the World Health Organization (WHO) Director-General, Dr. Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus “Violence against women is one of humanity’s oldest and most pervasive injustices, yet still one of the least acted upon.” (…) “No society can call itself fair, safe or healthy while half its population lives in fear. Ending this violence is not only a matter of policy; it is a matter of dignity, equality and human rights. Behind every statistic is a woman or girl whose life has been forever altered. Empowering women and girls is not optional, it’s a prerequisite for peace, development and health. A safer world for women is a better world for everyone.”[xxx]

    While bills S-242 and C-16 and demonstrate encouraging initiatives, they are meaningless unless passed, implemented, monitored and adapted as necessary. Furthermore, in criminal law, they become dead letter unless adequately enforced. Impunity for violence against women and children has an enabling effect that if not resolved, will escalate in incidence. Progress is possible but is contingent on political will. At the time this article is published Bill C-16, the Protecting Victims Act has only completed the first state in the legislative process; it must move forwards before another life is lost. That life could be your own.


    Here’s how you can help. After reviewing the text of a bill, there are two options to participate in the process of supporting it.

    Write a letter to your Member of Parliament (recommended for everyone):

    • Expressing your opinions, personal experiences, recommendations, or legal arguments for or against a bill
    • Find your MP here: https://www.ourcommons.ca/members/en/search
    • Your contact information must be included, as this determines your riding and legitimizes your communication

    Write a letter to a Senator that represents your province:

    Submit a brief (recommended for organizations and knowledgeable individuals):

    1. Submit a brief to the House of Commons:

    “A brief is a written submission that provides opinions, comments and recommendations on a subject being studied by a parliamentary committee. Any individual or organization may submit a brief to a committee of the House of Commons.”

    https://www.ourcommons.ca/procedure/guides/brief-e.html

    2. Submit a brief to a Senate Committee:

    “Senate committees regularly invite individuals, experts, groups and organizations, lobbyists, public servants and ministers of the Crown to appear before them as witnesses to receive information relevant to a bill they are considering or a special study they are undertaking. There are two ways to participate in a committee’s study: by giving oral evidence (testimony) or by submitting a brief (written evidence).”


    [i] Digital violence is real violence. There is #NoExcuse for online abuse; International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women; United Nations online publication; November 25,2025.

    [ii] Call it Femicide 2024 Report; infographic report; Canadian Femicide Observatory for Justice and Accountability; https://femicideincanada.ca/wp-content/uploads/2025/02/2024Infographic-ENG-1.pdf

    [iii] Canadian Observatory for Justice and Accountability; https://femicideincanada.ca/

    [iv] https://www.ohchr.org/en/instruments-mechanisms/instruments/international-covenant-civil-and-political-rights 

    [v] ‘General principles’ (of international law) are legally recognized as legitimate sources of international law.

    [vi] Para. 1; General Recommendation No. 19 (11th session, 1992), Violence against women; UN CEDAW Committee https://tbinternet.ohchr.org/_layouts/15/treatybodyexternal/TBSearch.aspx?Lang=en&TreatyID=3&DocTypeID=11

    [vii] Para. 1; General Recommendation No. 19 (11th session, 1992), Violence against women; UN CEDAW Committee https://tbinternet.ohchr.org/_layouts/15/treatybodyexternal/TBSearch.aspx?Lang=en&TreatyID=3&DocTypeID=11

    [viii] Ibid.

    [ix] Para. 6; General Recommendation No. 19 (11th session, 1992), Violence against women; UN CEDAW Committee https://tbinternet.ohchr.org/_layouts/15/treatybodyexternal/TBSearch.aspx?Lang=en&TreatyID=3&DocTypeID=11

    [x] Para. 11; General Recommendation No. 19 (11th session, 1992), Violence against women; UN CEDAW Committee https://tbinternet.ohchr.org/_layouts/15/treatybodyexternal/TBSearch.aspx?Lang=en&TreatyID=3&DocTypeID=11

    [xi] https://www.justice.gc.ca/eng/rp-pr/jr/mapafvc-cbapcvf/review-analyse.html

    [xii] Flying under and through the radar: Tactics used by intimate partner femicide perpetrators to evade interventions; Martín Hernán Di Marco and Dabney P. Evans; International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice Volume 82, September 2025, 100767. https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1756061625000436?via%3Dihub 

    [xiii] Giesbrecht, Crystal J. 2024. “The Need for a Canadian Criminal Code Offence of Coercive Control”. Journal of Community Safety and Well-Being 9 (1):pages 33-39. https://doi.org/10.35502/jcswb.362.

    [xiv] Carmen Gill, Ph.D. and Mary Aspinall, Ph.D. RESEARCH PAPER

    Understanding coercive control in the context of intimate partner violence in Canada: How to address the issue through the criminal justice system? Office of the Federal Ombudsman for Victims of Crime, Department of Justice Canada; 20 April 2020  https://www.canada.ca/en/office-federal-ombudsperson-victims-crime/publications/research-recherche/ucc-ccc.html#TOC-5-2 

    [xv] Ibid.

    [xvi] https://coercive-control.ca/content-library/coercive-control-danger 

    [xvii] Molly Hayes, Elizabeth Renzetti, and Tavia Grant; March 13, 2026. Coercive control can be a life or death issue in relationships. But few people even know how to recognize it, Globe and Mail.
    https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-coercive-control-can-be-a-life-or-death-issue-in-relationships-but-few/

    [xviii] 4 Facts About Intimate Partner Violence and Suicide (World Suicide Prevention Day); September 10, 2024.  https://www.bwss.org/4-facts-about-intimate-partner-violence-and-suicide-world-suicide-prevention-day/ 

    [xix] International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights; 1966; https://www.ohchr.org/en/instruments-mechanisms/instruments/international-covenant-civil-and-political-rights

    [xx] Ibid.

    [xxi] Article 3, Universal Declaration of Human Rights; 1948; UN General Assembly https://www.un.org/en/about-us/universal-declaration-of-human-rights 

    [xxii] United Nations Human Rights Committee, General Comment No. 36 on Article 6: Right to life; Sept. 3, 2019.   https://docs.un.org/en/ccpr/c/gc/36

    [xxiii] I United Nations Human Rights Committee, General Comment No. 36 on Article 6: Right to life; Sept. 3, 2019.   https://docs.un.org/en/ccpr/c/gc/36  

    [xxiv] Para. 61; United Nations Human Rights Committee, General Comment No. 36 on Article 6: Right to life; Sept. 3, 2019. (from A/HRC/20/16, para. 21.)  https://docs.un.org/en/ccpr/c/gc/36

    [xxv] International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 1966, United Nations.  https://www.ohchr.org/en/instruments-mechanisms/instruments/international-covenant-economic-social-and-cultural-rights 

    [xxvi] Salleh MR. Life event, stress and illness. Malays J Med Sci. 2008 Oct;15(4):9-18. PMID: 22589633; PMCID: PMC3341916. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC3341916/

    [xxvii] UNGA Res 48/104. Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women (1993).  https://docs.un.org/en/A/RES/48/104

    [xxviii] https://sdgs.un.org/goals/goal5#targets_and_indicators 

    [xxix] Preventing femicide, page 19, UNODC and UN Women, Femicides in 2024: Global Estimates of Intimate Partner/Family Member Femicides (United Nations publication, 2025) https://www.unwomen.org/sites/default/files/2025-11/femicides-in-2024-global-estimates-of-intimate-partner-family-member-femicides-en.pdf

    [xxx] https://www.who.int/news/item/19-11-2025-lifetime-toll–840-million-women-faced-partner-or-sexual-violence